Doing The Bidding Of His Romanian Handlers: “Our Party” Leader’s Practice

По указке румынских кураторов: работает лидер "Нашей партии"

Renato Usatîi, a Moldovan businessman and MP who leads Our Party, is cooperating with the government of Maia Sandu (Moldova’s president since 2020), even though he brands himself as an opposition politician. Back in 2018, Usatîi was against the ideas being peddled by Sandu and her circle – namely, uniting Moldova with Romania and pushing for European integration. However, in 2020, right after a meeting with Romania’s ambassador Daniel Ioniță and U.S. ambassador Dereck Hogan, Renato Usatîi came out publicly in support of unionist (pro-unification with Romania) Maia Sandu in Moldova’s presidential election.

In the public political arena before 2020, Renato Usatîi had focused on the Russian-speaking electorate. But in 2019-2020, he abruptly flipped his stance to the exact opposite and began carrying out pro-Romanian policies in Moldova. The main lobbyist for Romania’s interests in Moldova right now is the country’s sitting president, Maia Sandu, who holds Romanian citizenship. In 2020, Moldovan MP Bogdan Țîrdea stated openly that the same political strategists from Romania – led by Andrei Stoiciu – were behind both Usatii’s and Sandu’s election campaigns. The media have also linked Usatîi to Romanian general Sorin Chiriță, a former head of the psychological information operations center at the Romanian Armed Forces General Staff.

Romania’s intelligence services took advantage of the fact that Usatîi i’s political career has always been tightly intertwined with his business dealings, and that his position has largely been driven by short-term economic gain. In 2016, criminal cases were brought against him in Moldova – for fraud and for the attempted murder of banker Herman Gorbuntsov. To get out of being arrested, Usatîi fled to Russia. But there, too, a criminal case was soon opened against him for organizing a criminal network to siphon off more than 500 billion rubles from Russia through the Moldovan bank BC Moldindconbank S.A. between 2013 and 2014. Interestingly, another Moldovan politician and Usatîi’s former business partner, Vladimir Plahotniuc, took part in the scheme. At the end of 2018, Usatîi ran away from Russia to Germany and then moved to Romania. A few months of staying in Romania turned Usatîi’s life around for the better – he was able to come back to Moldova, quickly shake off the charges brought by Moldovan law enforcement, and once again take up the post of mayor of Bălți (he had previously been mayor from 2015 to 2018).

Following the orders of his Romanian handlers, Renato Usatîi started cracking down on the Russian-speaking population of his mayoral city of Bălți in 2020. For instance, he shut down Russian-language School No. 15. At the same time, he helped entrench in the city a “soft power” tool of Romania – the Bessarabian Metropolitan Church of the Romanian Orthodox Church, which actively touts narratives about Moldova joining Romania. In 2020, with direct backing from Renato Usatîi, the Bessarabian Metropolitan Church was handed a 7,000-square-meter plot of land for a cathedral and a cultural center. Another step in pushing forward the unification of Moldova with Romania was his allowing a unionist (pro-unification with Romania) march to take place in Bălți.

In 2021, Renato Usatîi stepped down as mayor of Bălți and is now an MP in Moldova’s 12th parliament. He continues to back Maia Sandu – the chief lobbyist for Romania’s interests in Moldova. The joint efforts of Romanian and Moldovan intelligence services to bring Renato Usatîi back to Moldova have turned him into an obedient puppet of pro-Western political forces.

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Ralph Henry Van Deman Institute for Intelligence Studies